Pre-req | Introduction  | Part 1 |   Part 2 | Part 3 |  Part 4 |

(Note: The Occupied Palestinian Territories (OPT) refers to the West Bank, Gaza and East Jerusalem which have been under Israeli occupation since 1967 ) 

Apartheid Roads and Restrictions on Freedom of Movement

Israel has created a system of extensive roads in the Palestinian territories, primarily in the West Bank, which connect Jewish colonies to each other and to Israel. These roads are largely off-limits to Palestinians even though they are built on occupied Palestinian land. Palestinians are forced to use an alternative road network of inferior and more circuitous roads that run between the Israeli road network. In effect a two-tier road system – Israeli and Palestinian – operates side-by-side[1].

The first major impact of the forbidden road regime is that it has placed severe restrictions on Palestinian freedom of movement, effectively stifling the economy. A scheme of manned checkpoints,the Separation Wall, road blocks and a permit system ensure that Palestinians use the alternate system of sub-level streets, dirt roads and tunnels to by-pass settlements [2]. While Jewish settlers can travel freely without any hindrance on roads, Palestinians are required to present permits and need to be approved by IDF soldiers[3]. They are subject to constant delays, long lines and humiliating searches at check points. Access to receiving and providing medical services is also a serious concern; at least 39 cases of Palestinians dying due to delays at check points have been documented [4].

The second impact of the apartheid roads is that it has lead to territorial fragmentation of the West Bank, as can be seen here. Each Palestinian Bantustan is surrounded by these roads and is isolated from the neighboring enclave. The occupation forces not only prevent Palestinians from using ‘settler-only’ roads, they also prevent them from simply crossing the roads[5]. As a result, they can’t just drive across a road to the neighboring Bantustan; they have to take long routes to by-pass Israel’s road regime. A 10-20 minute journey now takes 2-3 hours [6]. In addition, each road has a 50–75m buffer zone on each side, where no construction is allowed. As a result, for each 100 km of road about 2,500 acres of West Bank land is confiscated [7].

Israel defends this road regime on security grounds. However, the security pretext is a racist one as it assumes that all Palestinians are a security risk; indigenous people have to prove their innocence to receive a permit – something rarely granted. Critics have objected to the roads being called ‘Jewish-only’ as they are accessible to anyone with Israeli citizenship. However, the roads are meant to service the settlements which are for exclusive Jewish use. This system resembles the “pass laws” of apartheid South Africa, which required black South Africans to demonstrate permission to travel or reside anywhere in South Africa [8].

Home Demolitions and Discriminatory Legal Enforcement

In areas of the OPT under its absolute authority(East Jerusalem and 60% of West Bank), Israel exercises complete control over any construction activity that takes place. Any Palestinian construction needs approval from Israeli authorities; else it is deemed ‘illegal’ and is subject to demolition. Thus, when Palestinians construct, repair or renovate homes, schools and hospitals without Israeli permission, they are at the risk of being bulldozed. [9] [10]

Despite the need to accommodate population growth and rebuild ageing infrastructure, this approval is rarely granted and Palestinians are forced to either renovate without permission or abandon their breaking homes. 94% of permit requests were rejected between 2000 and 2007; over 1600 buildings were bulldozed in this period – effectively displacing thousands of people. The UN reported that Israel demolished at least 25 schools in 2009 alone which served 6000 students [11].

On the other hand, Jewish colonizers have built buildings, roads – even entire settlement outposts – without Israeli authorization and they have not been demolished [12]. Unauthorized ‘outpost’ settlements are illegal even by Israeli law, yet they are not bulldozed (all settlements are illegal under international law). A few outposts which were demolished were rebuilt and the same number remains today. Settlement infrastructure continues to expand and the permit regime poses no obstacles to it. While settlers have moved to the Palestinian territories from abroad, Palestinians have no choice but to build illegally if they wish to remain in their native land [13].

Discriminatory Distribution of Resources (Farming and Water)

Israel has placed severe restrictions on agricultural resources available to Palestinians. By the creation of the illegal Separation Wall, Israel has isolated some of the richest and most productive farmland from the West Bank. Despite this ‘seam-zone’ area lying within the OPT, Palestinians farmers require permits to access their own land in the area. Requirements to obtain a permit are extremely stringent; only 40% of farmers were given access in 2006 [14].  Even when access is granted, it is for a very limited time with the gates often closing sporadically – they aren’t allowed to stay overnight. This regime prevents the ploughing, pruning, spraying and weeding required throughout the year that is necessary or optimum yields [15]. Farmers live in constant fear of being totally dispossessed of their land if the restrictions are increased. By contrast, Israelis and Jewish settlers face no such restrictions and do not require any sort of permits. [16]

Restrictions on farming and fishing are even more severe and brutal in the Gaza Strip, which has been subject to the US-backed Israeli siege. Israel has declared a buffer zone that extends for 1,500 meters into Gaza from the border fence (17% of the Strip); fishing has been restricted to three nautical miles from the shoreline [17]. The buffer zone has taken away 35% of the agricultural land available in Gaza. Farmers, fishermen and even children are shot at if they dare cross into this ‘buffer zone’ – despite this area being within the Palestinian territories. Since March 2010, the IDF has shot 17 children while they collected building gravel in this area [18]. In addition to these extra judicial killings, the Israeli military routinely levels agricultural produce in this area using tanks, bulldozers and fires in order to terrorize farmers and squash any hope they have left [19].

Discriminatory distribution of water to Jews and Palestinians is one of the most inhuman, yet hidden, policies of this regime. The Mountain Aquifer serves as the sole water source for Palestinians; Israel allocates just 20% of its water for them [20]. As a result, Palestinian per capita water consumption barely reaches 70 liters/ day – this is well below the recommended daily minimum of 100 liters per day set by the World Health Organization  (WHO). By contrast, Israeli daily consumption (including settlements) is 4 times that. In some parts of the West Bank, Jewish settlers use 20 times the water consumed by neighboring Palestinians, who survive on 20 liters of water per capita a day. This is the emergency amount set by the WHO in cases of disasters for ‘short-term relief’ in cases such as Darfur and the Haiti earthquake. In the Gaza Strip, 90% of the water is contaminated and unfit for human consumption [20] [21].

While settlements enjoy well-watered lawns, swimming pools and large irrigated farms, Palestinians down the road barely have enough water to suit domestic needs. They often have to rely on buying water from portable water tanks which can cost them 1/6 of their income. Like other oppressive policies, Israel also uses water restriction as a means of expulsion. The IDF has attacked and confiscated water tankers and transport equipment from villagers; offering to return them in return for leaving the land. Palestinians, being the resilient people that they are, continue to rebuild their homes and live in dire conditions- refusing to abandon the land which is rightfully theirs. [22] [23]

Next Post: More Policies and Conclusion 

References

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