By Irum Sarfaraz
What is the legacy of Pakistan? Pakistan is in the throes of severe and aberrant conflict and the center of world attention at the moment. Stuck in a precarious geographical location with the medal of being a nuclear state around its neck, it has put the US and its allies on edge with its internal strife, its supposed harboring of terrorists and an overall political situation that refuses to be abided. But assessing the situation analytically even if this past decade was taken out of the life of the country, there is still little in its history to prove that things have ever been what could be deemed peaceful or even conducive to the social, economic or political advancements of any country. Education, basic civic amenities, clean water and health is a continuing woe for the vast majority of the 165 million. Why has Pakistan never been able to settle down?
Perhaps this predicament can be put in context with the following hadith: Umar al-Khattab narrates that the Prophet (saw) said, ‘Deeds are [a result] only of the intentions [of the actor] and an individual is rewarded only according to that which he intends. Therefore, whosoever has emigrated for the sake of Allah and His messenger, then his emigration was for Allah and His messenger. Whosoever emigrated for the sake of wordly gain , or a woman [whom he desires] to marry, then his emigration is for the sake of that which [moved him] to emigrates’. In the case of Pakistan, it suffers because the key person responsible for its acquisition, Jinnah never had a Muslim state in mind in the true sense of the word. No doubt he wanted a separate land for the Muslims but according to many historians exploited Islam as the means to gain the end. The niyaat was political gain not religious autonomy; the weapon was religion. Since Islam and Muslims were outwardly proclaimed as the sole reason, though it was not the case, the end result of the act has been jeopardized. In other words Pakistan suffers as a direct fallout of this discrepancy in niyaat.
Jinnah was a modern Muslim and a secularist by every definition that one uses to define the word.
He was a brilliant lawyer with a sharp wit, tongue and an even sharper mind. It is true that he was bothered by racial prejudice but it wasn’t simply the racial prejudice towards the Muslims that irked him but it was inequality of any kind. He did not envision a Muslim state for the Muslims but a separate state where they, and people of all religions for that matter, would have freedom of religion. In his inaugural speech as the first governor general of Pakistan he said, ‘You will find that in the course of time Hindus will cease to be Hindus and Muslims will cease to be Muslims, not in the religious sense because that is the personal faith of each individual, but in the political sense as citizens of the state’. He wanted a democratic state but one in which the ‘church was separated from the state’. He was divided on his views. He had to have the vote of the Muslims to gain this state but did he really wish the new country to be an Islamic country? He talked about an Islamic country but the underlying truth is that he never really intended it. Nothing less than religious fervor could have convinced people to support Jinnah en masse for the creation of Pakistan and the subsequent migration to the new country to constitute what has been called the greatest migration in human history.
If Jinnah was a secularist, it was perhaps in his blood and his family background is of much interest in this milieu. Jinnah was born Mahomedali Jinnahbhai on 25 December, 1876, the eldest of seven children of Mithibai and Jinnabhai Poonja. His father was a prosperous Gujarati merchant who had moved to Sindh from Kathiawar, Gujarat shortly before his birth. Some sources suggest that his ancestors were Hindu Rajputs from Sahiwal, Punjab. Though the family had Hindu, Shia, Ismaili and Sunni ancestry his family was primarily Ismaili. Although he was born a Khoja, disciples of the Ismaili Agha Khan, Jinnah moved toward the Sunni sect early in his life and later evidence given by his relatives and associates establishes that he was firmly a Sunni Muslim.
His first marriage was a traditional one when he was barely sixteen to Emibai who was merely a child. She died a little while after the marriage. The second time around he fell in love with a Parsee girl named Rattanbai or Ruttie Petit around 1916. The daughter of Sir Dinshaw Petit, a successful businessman, she was also known as the ‘flower of Bombay’. Needless to say Dinshaw Petit was furious and refused to consent to the marriage as Jinnah was not only of a different faith but also twice her age. Shortly before the ceremony Ruttie converted to Islam and their only daughter Dina was born in 1919. Dina was the apple of her doting father’s eye until she decided to marry the Parsi born Christian, Neville Wadia. It is also known that when Dina married Neville she was told by Jinnah that ‘she was not his daughter anymore’ and the relationship between the two became strained. Dina had two children, a boy and a girl. Her son Nusli Wadia was born a Christian but converted back to Zoroastrianism and settled in the industrially wealthy Parsi community of Bombay.
Though Jinnah died a Sunni Muslim there is little evidence that would insinuate his connection to Islam to the extent that would suggest that his intention in fighting for Pakistan was for the procurement of an Islamic state. His family background, his lifestyle and everything in between only proposes the presence of disparity between the niyyat and the action. The social and political condition of the country ever since it emerged on the map of the world is evidence enough of this hypothesis. Yes he wanted a state that allowed maximum freedom of religious beliefs and practice and treats all its citizens equally. But this ticket and this promise was not enough to rally the Muslims behind him. He had to push the ‘Islamic Country’ theme and he did that relentlessly. Given the fact that he had the support of millions of Muslims of pre-partition India, it is not too difficult to assume that he had not made his plans very clear to the majority of them. This division of thought, of whether Jinnah envisioned an Islamic state or a secular democratic one, still remains the major bone of contention between the millions in Pakistan today.
Dr. Hassan Askari Rizvi, the former chairman of the Political Science Department of the Punjab University, Lahore writes, ‘Jinnah definitely was a secularist who viewed Islam as an instrument of identity formation and political mobilization for the Muslims of South Asia. Whenever he talked of Islam, he also talked about the modern notion of state, constitutionalism, civil and political rights and equal citizenship irrespective of religion or any other consideration. This means that he was neither for a religious or orthodox Islamic state nor for a secular system in the classical Marxist terms. His view was that Pakistan would be modern, democratic state which derives its ethical formation from Islam’.
Dr. Mubarak Ali, former Chairman of the History Dept. at the Karachi University writes, ‘Jinnah used to be a perfect secularist as far as this private life was concerned, (According to Akbar S. Ahmad nearly every book about Jinnah outsides Pakistan mentions the fact that he drank and some sources even hint at his consumption of pork. Several sources indicate that he gave up alcohol only near the end of his life) yet he believed in using religion for public consumption to achieve his political ends. The propelling slogan during the struggle for Pakistan was to establish a distinct identity of Muslims as a nation. And Jinnah used Islam as a motivating force to rally the Muslims to the cause of Pakistan politically. But the state they aimed to create was to be secular, not a theocracy. And the method to achieve the goals was not a religious movement but political agitation’.
In his concluding speech in Karachi at the All India Muslim League session on Dec. 26, 1943 he said, ‘What is it that keeps the Muslims united as one man, and is the bedrock and sheet-anchor of the community. It is Islam. It is the Great Book, Quran, that is the sheet-anchor of Muslim India. I am sure that as we go on there will be more and more of oneness, one God, one Book, one Prophet and one Nation’. One wonders, being so staunch in his ideas for the new country he was seeking for the Muslims why did he not establish Islamic democracy as the rule right from the very beginning? When affairs are run according to the Quran they are automatically democratic. There is no need to specifically separate religion and democracy as was done with Pakistan. Specially when he said in 1945, ‘Every Mussalman (Muslim) knows that the injunctions of the Holy Quran are not confined to the religious and moral duties. From the Atlantic to the Ganges, says Gibbon, ‘the Holy Quran is acknowledged as the fundamental code, not only of theology, but of civil and criminal jurisprudence, and the laws which regulate the action and the property of mankind are governed by immutable sanctions of the will of God’.
Everyone, except those who are ignorant, knows the Holy Quran is the general code of the Muslims’.
So why wasn’t the Quran made the general code when the founder of the country so staunchly believed in it? Whey weren’t these rules made clear from the beginning when they were stated to be the very reason why this new land was sought? Did the niyyat change after the goal was achieved? Was Islam really just an instrument of power to seek the goal at hand? And is it this grave discrepancy in niyyat that Pakistan has forever remained in an abysmal state of political and social chaos? Samuel Butler said, ‘God cannot alter the past, historians can’. Maybe now when people ask questions like, ‘why is all this happening in Pakistan? We thought it is a Muslim country?’ they can be answered with, ‘It wasn’t meant to be a Muslim country, it was only meant to be a piece of land for the Muslims’.
White Activism Is Crucial In The Wake of Right-Wing Terrorism
The vicious terrorist attacks at two mosques in Christchurch, New Zealand on March 15 were a punch to the gut for peace-loving people all over the world. Only the most heartless of individuals could feel nonchalant about 70 innocent children, women, and men being killed or maimed mercilessly as they prayed. However, even a brief glimpse at comments on social media confirms that among the outpouring of sadness and shock, there are, indeed, numerous sick individuals who glory in Brenton Tarrant’s deliberately evil actions. White supremacy, in all its horrific manifestations, is clearly alive and well.
In an enlightening article in The Washington Post, R. Joseph Parrott explains, “Recently, global white supremacy has been making a comeback, attracting adherents by stoking a new unease with changing demographics, using an expanded rhetoric of deluge and cultivating nostalgia for a time when various white governments ruled the world (and local cities). At the fringes, longing for lost white regimes forged a new global iconography of supremacy.”
“Modern white supremacy is an international threat that knows no borders, being exported and globalized like never before,” ADL CEO Jonathan Greenblatt said. “The hatred that led to violence in Pittsburgh and Charlottesville is finding new adherents around the world. Indeed, it appears that this attack was not just focused on New Zealand; it was intended to have a global impact.” (link)
Many people want to sweep this terrifying reality under the rug, among them the U.S. President. Asked by a reporter if he saw an increase globally in the threat of white nationalism, Trump replied, “I don’t really. I think it’s a small group of people that have very, very serious problems.”
However, experts in his own country disagree. A March 17 article in NBC News claims that, “The FBI and the Department of Homeland Security warned in a 2017 intelligence bulletin that white supremacist groups had carried out more attacks in the U.S. than any other domestic extremist group over the past 16 years. And officials believe they are likely to carry out more.”
Although they may be unaware of — or in denial about –the growing influence of white supremacist ideology, the vast majority of white people do not support violent acts of terrorism. However, many of them are surprisingly, hurtfully silent when acts of terrorism are committed by non-Muslims, with Muslims as the victims.
When a shooter yells “Allahu akbar” before killing innocent people, public furor is obvious and palpable. “Terror attacks by Muslims receive 375% more press attention,” states a headline in The Guardian, citing a study by the University of Alabama. The perpetrator is often portrayed as a “maniac” and a representative of an inherently violent faith. In the wake of an attack committed by a Muslim, everyone from politicians to religious leaders to news anchors calls on Muslim individuals and organizations to disavow terrorism. However, when white men kill Muslims en masse, there is significantly less outrage. People try to make sense of the shooters’ vile actions, looking into their past for trauma, mental illness, or addiction that will somehow explain why they did what they did. Various news outlets humanized Brenton Tarrant with bold headlines that labeled him an “angelic boy who grew into an evil far-right mass killer,” an “ordinary white man,” “obsessed with video games,” and even “badly picked on as a child because he was chubby.” Those descriptions, which evoke sympathy rather than revulsion, are reserved for white mass murderers.
The media’s spin on terrorist acts shapes public reaction. Six days after the Christchurch attacks, millions were not currently taking to the streets to protest right-wing extremism. World leaders are not linking arms in a dramatic march against white supremacist terrorism. And no one is demanding that white men, in general, disavow terrorism.
But that would be unreasonable, right? To expect all white men to condemn the vile actions of an individual they don’t even know? Unreasonable though it may be, such expectations are placed on Muslims all the time.
As a white woman, I am here to argue that white people — and most of all white-led institutions — are exactly the ones who need to speak up now, loudly and clearly condemning right-wing terrorism, disavowing white supremacy, and showing support of Muslims generally. We need to do this even if we firmly believe we’re not part of the problem. We need to do this even if our first reaction is to feel defensive (“But I’m not a bigot!”), or if discussing race is uncomfortable to us. We need to do it even if we are Muslims who fully comprehend that our beloved Prophet said, “There is no superiority for an Arab over a non-Arab, nor for a non-Arab over an Arab. Neither is the white superior over the black, nor is the black superior over the white — except by piety.”
While we might not hold hatred in our hearts individually, we do hold the power, institutionally. If we truly care about people of color, peace, and justice, we must put our fragile egos aside and avoid “not me-ism.” The fact is, if we have white skin, we have grown up in a world that favors us in innumerable ways, both big and small. Those of us with privilege, position, and authority are the very ones who have the greatest responsibility to make major changes to society. Sadly, sometimes it takes a white person to make other white people listen and change.
White religious leaders, politicians, and other people with influence and power need to speak up and condemn the New Zealand attacks publically and unequivocally, even if we do not consider ourselves remotely affiliated with right-wing extremists or murderous bigots. Living our comfortable lives, refusing to discuss or challenge institutionalized racism, xenophobia, and rampant Islamophobia, and accepting the status quo are all a tacit approval of the toxic reality that we live in.
Institutional power is the backbone of racism. Throughout history, governments and religious institutions have enforced racist legislation, segregation, xenophobic policies, and the notion that white people are inherently superior to people of color. These institutions continue to be controlled by white people, and if white leaders and white individuals truly believe in justice for all, we must do much more than “be a nice person.” We must use our influence to change the system and to challenge injustice.
White ministers need to decry racial violence and anti-immigrant sentiment from their pulpits, making it abundantly clear that their religion does not advocate racism, xenophobia, or Islamophobia. They must condemn Brenton Tarrant’s abhorrent actions in clear terms, in case any member of their flock sees him as some sort of hero. Politicians and other leaders need to humanize and defend Muslims while expressing zero tolerance for extremists who threaten the lives or peace of their fellow citizens — all citizens, regardless of their religious beliefs, immigration status, or ethnicity. New Zealand’s Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern is an excellent role model for world leaders; she has handled her nation’s tragedy with beautiful compassion, wisdom, and crystal clear condemnation of the attacker and his motives. Similarly, Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau demonstrated superb leadership and a humane, loving response to the victims in Christchurch (and Muslims in general) in his recent address to the House of Commons.
Indeed, when they put their mind to it, people can make quite an impactful statement against extremist violence. In January 2015 when Muslim gunmen killed 17 people in Paris, there was an immediate global reaction. The phrase “Je suis Charlie” trended on social media and in fact became one of the most popular hashtags in the history of Twitter. Approximately 3.4 million people marched in anti-terrorism rallies throughout France, and 40 world leaders — most of whom were white — marched alongside a crowd of over 1 million in Paris.
While several political and religious leaders have made public statements condemning the terrorist attacks in Christchurch, there is much less activism on the streets and even on social media following this particular atrocity. Many Muslims who expected words of solidarity, unity, or comfort from non-Muslim family or friends were disappointed by the general lack of interest, even after a mosque was burned in California with a note left in homage to New Zealand.
In a public Facebook post, Shibli Zaman of Texas echoed many Muslims’ feelings when he wrote, “One of the most astonishing things to me that I did not expect — but, in hindsight, realize that I probably should have — is how few of my non-Muslim friends have reached out to me to express condolences and sorrow.” His post concluded, “But I have learned that practically none of my non-Muslim friends care.”
Ladan Rashidi of California posted, simply, “The Silence. Your silence is deafening. And hurtful.” Although her words were brief and potentially enigmatic, her Muslim Facebook friends instantly understood what she was talking about and commiserated with her.
Why do words and actions matter so much in the wake of a tragedy?
Because they have the power to heal and to unite. Muslims feel shattered right now, and the lack of widespread compassion or global activism only heightens the feeling that we are unwanted and “other.” If 50 innocent Muslims die from terrorism, and the incident does not spark universal outrage, but one Muslim pulls the trigger and the whole world erupts in indignation, then what is that saying about society’s perception of the value of Muslim lives?
To the compassionate non-Muslims who have delivered flowers, supportive messages, and condolences to the Muslim community in New Zealand and elsewhere, I thank you sincerely. You renew our hope in humanity.
To the white people who care enough to acknowledge their privilege and use it to the best of their ability to bring about justice and peace, I salute you. Please persevere in your noble goals. Please continue to learn about institutionalized racism and attempt to make positive changes. Do not shy away from discussions about race and do not doubt or silence people of color when they explain their feelings. Our discomfort, our defensiveness, and our professed “colorblindness” should not dominate the conversation every time we hear the word “racism.” We should listen more than speak and put our egos to the side. I am still learning to do this, and while it is not easy, it is crucial to true understanding and transformation.
To the rest of you who have remained silent, for whatever reason: I ask you to look inside yourself and think about whether you are really satisfied with a system that values some human lives so highly over others. If you are not a white supremacist, nor a bigot, nor a racist — if you truly oppose these ideologies — then you must do more than remain in your comfortable bubble. Speak up. Spread love. Fix problems on whatever level you can, to the best of your ability. If you are in a leadership position, the weight on your shoulders is heavy; do not shirk your duty. To be passive, selfish, apathetic, or lazy is to enable hatred to thrive, and then, whether you intended to or not, you are on the side of the extremists. Which side are you on? Decide and act.
“A person may cause evil to others not only by his actions but by his inaction, and in either case, he is justly accountable to them for their injury.” — John Stuart Mill, On Liberty.
For the past decade, writer Laura El Alam has been a regular contributor to SISTERS Magazine, Al Jumuah, and About Islam. Her articles frequently tackle issues like Muslim American identity, women’s rights in Islam, support of converts/reverts, and racism. A graduate of Grinnell College, she currently lives in Massachusetts with her husband and five children. Laura recently started a Facebook page, The Common Sense Convert, to support Muslim women, particularly those who are new to the deen.
Do Not Fear, Do Not Grieve – Imam Omar Suleiman on #NewZealand
Our hearts are broken but we will not be deterred. We will fill our mosques and hearts today.
130+ American Muslim Imams, Scholars and Community Leaders Sign A Statement On The Ongoing Oppression of Uighur Muslims
In the Name of God, the Benevolent, the Merciful,
All praise is due to Allahﷻ and may the Creator send His blessings and salutations upon our master, Muhammadﷺ, as well as upon his family and companions.
We, imams, scholars and community leaders, hereby affirm and declare the following fundamental points:
We ask the People’s Republic of China to free Uighurs from its concentration camps, return children to their families, and restore their freedom of religion.
We call upon our neighbors of other faiths to support this demand.
We call upon fellow citizens to stop buying products produced through slave labor from these camps.
We thank the US government for raising the issue of human rights abuses and detainment in the concentration camps and ask the rest of the world to do the same.
We call upon all people to stand in solidarity with the Uighur people on April 6, 2019 in Washington DC.
Dr Yasir Qadhi, The Islamic Seminary of America, TX
Dr Muzammil Siddiqi, The Islamic Society of Orange County, CA
Shaykh Abdul Nasir Jangda, TX
Mufti Mohammad Ibrahim Qureshi, Islamic Center of Northridge, CA
Imam Malik Mujahid, SoundVision, Burma Task Force
Shaykh Furhan Zubairi, Institute of Knowledge, CA
Shaykh Suleiman Hani, Islamic Center of Detroit, MI
Chaplain Bilal Ansari, Hartford Seminary, Williams College, MA
Ustadha Zainab Ansari, Tayseer Seminary, TN
Ameer Esedullah Uygur, Ummah Uyghur Awareness Coalition
Hena Zuberi, Justice For All, Muslimmatters.org
Shaykh Hasib Noor, The Legacy Institute
Ashfaq Taufique, Birmingham Islamic Society, AL
Imam Yaser Birjas, Valley Ranch Islamic Center, TX
Imam Khalid Fattah Grigg, Community Mosque of Winston-Salem, NC
Zahra Billoo, CAIR-SF, CA
Ameer Mustapha Elturk, Islamic Organization of North America (IONA),
Imam Muhammad Abdul Jabbar, Muslim Center of Long Island, NY
Jenny Yanez MSW, Jefferson Muslim Association, LA
Imam Abu Qadir Al-Amin, San Francisco Muslim Community Center, CA
Dr. Sayed Moustafa al-Qazwini, Islamic Educational Center of Orange County, CA
Imam Mohamed Magid, VA
Sayyid M. Syeed, Islamic Society of North America
Shaykh Abdel Hamid, Noor Al Islam Society, NY
Dr Omar Shahin, Graduate Theological Foundation & North American Imams Federation (NAIF)
Khidr Nassam Bamba, Masjid Taqwa Bronx, NY
Dr. Hamud Al-Silwi, Bronx Muslim Center, NY
Imam Faisal Ahmad, The Fiqh & Dawah Center of America, NY
Adel Elmorsi, The Islamic Center of Morris County, NJ
Imam Ibrahim Atasoy, North East Islamic Community Center, NY
Shaykh AbdurRahman Ahmad , Islamic Center of New England, MA
Omar Kawam, Williams College Muslim Students’ Union, MA
Dr Ossama Bahloul, Islamic Center of Nashville, TN
Imam Abu Laith Luqman Ahmad, Mosque Without Borders
Dr Ahmad M. Hemaya, New Haven Islamic Center, CT
Imam Reda A Sallam, Masjid Almostafa, Waterbury, CT
Shaykh Hani Salem, Paradise Hajj & Umrah/Baitulmaal
Imam ibn Al-Saeed Fouad Al-Balawi, ICNEO, OH
Imam Taha Hassane, Islamic Center of San Diego, CA
Imam Imad Enchassi, ISGOC, CA
Imam Tamer Abdelaziz, Islamic Society of Northern Wisconsin, WI
Imam Ibrahim Ezghair, Clear Lake Islamic Center, TX
Basem Hamid, Wasat Institute, Shadow Creek Muslim Community Center, TX
Imam Fateen Seifullah, Masjid As Sabur, NV
Shaykh Abdeljalil Mezgouri, Islamic Center of San Diego, CA
Mohamad Adam El Sheikh, Dar Al Noor Islamic Community Center, North American Imams Federation
Abdul Jebrin, Muslim American Society
Haj Dawoud S Abdullah, Islamic Cultural Center of Niagara Falls, NY
Imam Nadim Ali, Community Masjid of Atlanta, GA
Imam Ayman Soliman, AIC Masjid, IL
Imam Amr Dabour, Bay County Islamic Society, FL
Imam Amin Azim, Islamic Center of Yakima, WA
Imam Hussein Nasser, IL
Dr Yunus Adetunji Fasasi, Islamic Community of Puerto Rico, PR
Imam Mohamed Musa, IL
Moustafa Kamel, West Coast Islamic Center, CA
Wafaa Wahabi, AMC Everett Masjid, WA
Dr Mohammad Siddiqi, Kalamazoo Islamic Center, MI
Imam Obair Katchi, Islamic Society of Corona-NorCo, CA
Shaykh Abdelmoniem Elamin, Dar Al Hijrah Islamic Center, VA
Abdallah Ddumba, Justice for All, Burma Task Force
Imam Azfar Uddin, Islamic Foundation North, IL
Mawlana Bilal Ali Ansari, Khalil Center, IL
Isam Zaiem, CAIR-Ohio
Imam Abdelghader Ould Siyam, Islamic Association of Cincinnati, OH
Ahmad Banna, MACE Islamic Center, OH
Imam Ashraf Ibrahim, Omar Islamic Center, MN
Mahgiub El-Arabi, Al-Umma Center of Santa Clarita Valley, CA
Naveed Ahmed, Helping Hand for Relief and Development; ICNA
Sheik Housein, Islamic Society of Washington Area, MD
Mohammed Saber Odeh, Mizquita Al Farouq, PR
Amir Al Hajj Khalid Samad, The International Council For Peace, Justice And Empowerment
Rudwan Abu-rumman, Anne Arundel County Muslim Council. MD
Shaykh Suhail Mulla, Islamic Society West Valley, CA
Dr Imam Khalid Nasr, Islamic Center of New England, MA
Imam Abdelsalam Abounar, Dareleman Educational Center, TX
Kadeer Ainiwaer, Ummah Uyghur Awareness Coalition
Salih Hudayar, East Turkistan National Awakening Movement
Zainab Chaudry, CAIR- Maryland
Waheedah Muhammad, CAIR-Kentucky
Ibrahim Sheikh, Islamic Society of Annapolis, MD
Imam Mohamed Elagami, Elhedaya Islamic Society, TX
Imam Ismail Bryant, National Amirate of Baytul Khaliq, NJ
Mahmoud Shalash, Islamic Center of Lexington, KY
Shaikh Joe Bradford, Houston Muslim Community, TX
Waqas Syed, Islamic Circle of North America
Yusuf Hanif, Dawah Brings Faith
Babatunde Ibrahim Tiamiyu, DeenUp Athletics
Imam Abdullah Sahin
Daoud Nassimi, Professor of Religion, NOVA Community College, VA
Imam Ismail Fenni, Yusuf Mosque, MA
Nihad Awad, Council on American-Islamic Relations (CAIR)
Imam Asif Hirani, Worcester Islamic Center, MA
Imam Adil Khan, ICCL – Islamic Community Center of Laurel, MD
Imam Mahmoud Harmoush, Islamic Center of Riverside, CA
Imam Obair Katchi, Islamic Society of Corona, Norco,CA
Imam Djilali Kacem, Ph.D, Dar-Aljalal Masjid, MO
Imam Ali M Bagegni, Ph.D, Northwest Islamic Center, MO
Imam Eldin Susa, St Louis Islamic Center Masjid Nur, MO
Dr Dris Djermoun, Islamic Council of New England, MA
Imam Ahmad H Durrani, Masjid Abu Bakr Al-Siddiq, MO
Shaykh Saleh Saleh, Imam Council of Metro St. Louis, MO
Imam Abdur-Rahim Ali, Northeast Denver Islamic Center, CO
Imam M. A. Azeez, Tarbiya Institute, CA
Chaplain Nada El-Alami, Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT), MA
Hasan Hammad, Islamic Society of Baltimore, MD
Dr. Ed Tori, Islamic Society of Baltimore, MD
Shaykh Tarik Ata, Orange County Islamic Foundation, CA
Zahid Bukhari, ICNA Council for Social Justice (CSJ)
Ismet Akcin, Islamic Society of Baltimore, MD
Saleem Ahmad, Baltimore County Muslim Council, MD
Adileh Sharieff, Islamic Center of Maryland, MD
Amin Ezzeddine, MAS Maryland
Saqib Ali, Former State Delegate Maryland
Jameel Aalim-Johnson, Prince George’s County Muslim Council, MD
Yusufi Vali, Islamic Society of Boston, MA
Imam Johari Abdul-Malik Ibn Seale, Muslim Society of Washington, DC
Mohamed Helmy, Dar Al-Hijrah Islamic Center, VA
Nasser Saleh, Al Firdaus Jinnaza Service, VA
Hossein Gosl, Dar Al Hijrah, VA
Mirvais Ayubi, Dar Al Hijrah, VA
Kuzzat Altay, Uyghur Entrepreneurs Network
Rafi Uddin Ahmed, Muslim Association of Virginia, Dar Al Noor Islamic Center, VA
Shaykh Omar Suleiman, Yaqeen Institute, TX
Khalid M. Mirza, Muslim Communities Association of South Florida, FL
Naveed Alvi, Chino Valley Islamic Center, CA
Mohamed Almasmari, Muslim Unity Center, MI
Chaplain Saffet A. Catovic, Drew University, NJ
Muhammad Farooq, Islamic Center of Northern Virginia Trust, VA
Shaykh Ismet Akcin, Islamic Society of Baltimore, MDImam M. Musa Azam-Ibrahimi Majlis Daawatul Haqq of America, IN
Imam Ayman Soliman, AIC, IL
Sr. Erin Ogborn, Tri-State Islamic Center, Dubuque, IA
Memet Emin, Columbia University, NY
Sahar Alsahlani, Religions for Peace, USA, NY
Qutaibah J. Abbasi, Duncanville Islamic Center, TX
Aneelah Afzali, MAPS-AMEN (American Muslim Empowerment Network), WA
Rafik Beekun, University of Nevada and AMSS, NV
Jawad Rasul, Islamic Society of Augusta, GA
Imam Nadim Bashir, East Plano Islamic Center, TX
Morsy Salem At-Tawheed Islamic Center, MI
Imam Ali Siddiqui, Muslim Institute – Interfaith Studies & Understanding, D.C.
Zohra Lasania, CAIR Pittsburgh
Linda Sarsour, MPower Change, NY
Dr. Jobeh Nasser, Muslim Brotherhood, MI
Imam Qasim ibn Ali Khan, Masjid At-Tawhid, TX
Imam Qasim ibn Ali Khan, Masjid At-Tawhid, TX
Chaplain Bilal Mirza, Babson College, MA
Mufti Mohammed Uddin Kawthar, Rihlatul Ilm Foundation, PA
Imam Mahad, AMCC, FL
Imam Mohammad Kibria, Darul Uloom New York, NY
Imam Qarib Ur Rahman, Manassas Muslim Association, VA
Imam Ibrahim Ahmad, Masjid Noor, Huntington, NY
Imam Nihad Yesil,The Islamic Institute, Dallas, TX
Ahmed Abdurrab Rabbani, Islamic Association of Greater Detroit, MI
Mufti Sulaiman Yusufi, ICMC, NJ
Chaplain Kaiser Aslam, Center for Islamic Life at Rutgers University, NJ
Shaykh Burhan, Peace Children Academy, Brooklyn, NY
Mohammad Kawser, Darus Sunnah USA, NY
Imam Lateef Rahman, Islamic Society Of Tracy, CA
Chaplain Mohammed Shahid, Somerville Masjid,MA
Fathi Alam, Darul Uloom New York, NY
Mahdi Baitul Hamd Institute, NY
Imam Abdurrahman, DQWS, NY
Shaykh Osman Umarji, UC Irvine, CA
Imam Omar Khan, Khatme Nubuwwat Center, VA
Shaykh Afzal Sheikh Jr, Islamic center of Deer Park, NY
Imam Abrar Malik, Masjid Alfalah New York City, NY
Imam Mufti Shazad M. Hussain, A.I.M. Masjid Noor VA
Shaykh Afzal Sheikh Jr, Islamic Center of Deer Park, NY
Ismail Hossain, Islamic Foundation of NJ, NJ
Amir Ali Muwallif Muhammad, The Islamic Freedom Foundation, MD
Imam Sabur Abdul-Salaam, New York State Department of Correction, NY
Aisha H.L. al-Adawiya, Women In Islam, inc.
Shaikh Hafiz Abu Sufian, United Imam and Ulama Council USA, NY
If you are a scholar, imam, an organizational or a masjid leader and would like to sign the statement please do so here